The priesthood has sermonized on the government’s behalf, which has led to ruptures with Orthodox churches abroad. ![]() The Russian Orthodox Church and the state have become ideologically and politically indistinguishable. In 2021, about 10 million Russians attended the Immortal Regiment, when families parade through the streets holding iconlike photographs of their veteran ancestors. They are now more ingrained in Russian culture than they were even under the Soviets, when commitment to the cult of victory depended on the prevailing political winds. The government reinforces these narratives through the production of big-budget films, television serials, books and educational programs. There is a commemoration of a moment of messianic sacrifice – the Battle of Stalingrad, when a million Soviets died in a last-ditch attempt to halt the Axis powers on the Volga River – which is celebrated as the “dawn of a new day.” Other public events feting the military win similarly do dual duty as an opportunity for faith leaders to preach to their flock. There is a pantheon of heroic saints – martyred soldiers and troops who gave up their lives to save humanity – who are celebrated with Orthodox-style icons and portraits in homes, official buildings and public displays. Putin has been reconstructing the Soviet-era cult of the Great Patriotic War – as Russians call the conflict on the Eastern Front – in a manner that has all the hallmarks of a religion. Through Victory Day celebrations, Russians reinforce a spiritual vision of military martyrdom that canonizes the 25 million Soviets who died in the Second World War.įor the past two decades, Mr. After all, over the course of the 21st century, Victory Day has become the most important annual event in a state religion that mixes Soviet myths with Orthodox Christian beliefs. But such dissonances, even or perhaps especially on Victory Day, are unlikely to have any effect on support for Mr. Many in the West might wonder how Russians can celebrate a past victory over Nazism when they have been startlingly incapable of achieving one in the present. Yet 20,000 troops have been lost, and Russia finds itself embroiled in a strategic quagmire. President Vladimir Putin has promised that the “special military operation” in Ukraine is an effort to save that fraternal country from another (and, of course, fictitious) Nazi threat. Yet Russia is actively engaged in another war that seems to be quite far from victory. The country is gripped by its usual pobedobesie: ”victory mania.” All over the country, civilians will attend their own parades, listen to the dwindling number of veterans reminisce, and watch Soviet-era and modern war movies on state television. ![]() The usual cavalcade of troops, tanks and rockets will parade across Red Square. This year, Moscow is making grand plans to mark Victory Day, the anniversary of the defeat of Nazi Germany to end the Second World War on May 9, 1945. Ian Garner is an expert on Russian war propaganda and the author of Stalingrad Lives: Stories of Combat & Survival.
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